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Kant trumps cant any day

29 October 2009

'Intensely relaxed' about the academy's 'filthy rich legacy', Simon Blackburn sees no need to justify his work to ministers

This week many academics must have been delighted to get a message such as this, decisively showing how the Government really does care about education.

The Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS) has recently launched a review of postgraduate provision in the UK ... its principal areas of investigation will be:

- to assess the competitiveness of UK institutions in the global market;

- to assess the benefits of postgraduate study for all relevant stakeholders;

- to assess the evidence about the needs of employers for postgraduates;

- and to examine levels of participation, in terms of who undertakes postgraduate study, and whether barriers affect the diversity of participation.

The university intends to submit comments, and I have been asked to seek your views ...

My initial response was probably not robust enough. It is written as if from a philosophy faculty, but I hope and trust it might serve as a template for others.

Dear BIS,

(1) Our postgraduate philosophy education is primarily vital in ensuring the quality of the incoming stream of future teachers of philosophy. These provide the continuing educational resource for very acute and educated people to flow into very diverse channels of administration, business and other branches of employment, including what used to exist as and be known as "public service", before that fell into the hands of people unable to conceive of it as anything other than a cornucopia of opportunities for corruption. If these last are your "stakeholders", then we probably cannot convince them that we are of use to them, any more than music, art, literature or history could.

(2) Our future teachers will, in turn, educate philosophy graduates who can flourish in business: there have been many examples. But we don't think that you should pay slavish attention to what business people, especially those who believe themselves fit to judge things about which they know nothing, say are their "needs" because we do not have any confidence that without more philosophy than most of them possess, they have the least idea what those needs are. We merely note that conceptions of need that have given us such outstanding examples of business expertise as British Leyland, Rover and RBS seem strange instruments with which to assess institutions that enabled such legacies as those left by Bacon, Locke, Hume and Wittgenstein. We are, to adapt one minister's words, intensely relaxed about having assisted the country to this filthy rich legacy.

(3) We note that the chairman of your committee, Adrian Smith, director-general of science and research at BIS, is a committed advocate of "evidence-based" practice. While we applaud this, we also note that the impact of ideas is not measurable, even by double-blind clinical tests decked out with the best Bayesian interpretations.

Most cathedrals of Europe were built more than 1,000 years after the original source of the ideas that issued in them died, and the greatest single edifice owning his impact was built over 1,500 years after the same event. Even The Communist Manifesto had its main "impact" nearly 70 years after it was written. Nobody has done a controlled experiment on what the impact of either Christianity or Communism was, but only an idiot therefore believes that the jury should stay out on whether they had any.

If historical timescales are deemed inappropriate, we note that the £1 trillion bank bailout last year would have paid the Arts and Humanities Research Council budget for 10,000 years.

(4) As to access, from the academic point of view the sole barrier to participation is the hurdle of being sufficiently educated and competent to have profited from understanding and controlling the central categories of thought. From the social and financial point of view, the barriers include deprivation at an early age, insufficiently stimulating schooling and entrenched inequalities giving few people the confidence ever to become both curious and articulate. These are all directly the responsibility of Government, not the graduate schools that have to work with the lucky few who either did not face the obstacles or were exceptional enough to overcome them.

Postscript :

Simon Blackburn is professor of philosophy, University of Cambridge.

Readers' comments

  • Timothy Bates 30 October, 2009

    I enjoyed Professor Blackburn's essay, and would only point out that the AHRC budget (£102 million/annum) amounts to around just 0.2% of the annual _interest_ on one trillion pounds: So the bank bailout would have paid for art and humanities research, and indeed all other state investment in research, in perpetuity, even assuming zero return on this investment. Conversely, if this £ trillion bailout is written off, it will impact on reader's prosperity to a degree similar to around the last 10-12 years of their savings and investment being wiped out. As with the Cathedrals, we have only begun to see the impact of this reduction in our capacity to invest in arts and science — as Adam Smith pointed one of only two routes to an increase in wealth (the other being division of labour).

  • gpc31 3 November, 2009

    A prose platypus of a repy; noble sentiments but metered out in dribs of dull satire and drabs of weak outrage. Too bad because Professor Blackburn is normally a superb and lucid stylist!

  • Paul Sagar 3 November, 2009

    "But industry, knowledge, and humanity, are not advantageous in private life alone; they diffuse their beneficial influence on the <em>public</em>, and render the government as great and flourishing as they make individuals happy and prosperous" - David Hume, <em>Of Refinement in the Arts</em> And we might add the counter truth: that industry - but especially knowledge and humanity - will be advantageous in neither private nor public life, if strangled and controlled by a government as base, ignorant and vicious as the only knowledge and humanity such a meddling government will tolerate to exist.

  • Shaun Maunder 3 November, 2009

    Well said, Simon Blackburn.

  • Michael 3 November, 2009

    Brilliant! But I have a quibble: Should you equally scoff at applying such criteria in-house, when making hiring decisions in philosophy? Are applicants to professorships in philosophy not assessed according to competitiveness, effectiveness and impact? Do hiring committees not demand evidence for the same? And wouldn't it be odd if these criteria were suitable for evaluating individual philosophers, but not departments?

  • Ernest Smith 3 November, 2009

    'Envoi -- The Age of Universities (late 11th c.- early 21st c.) in the West may be drawing to a close .... Eventually, there may still be “academics” of sorts (or “knowledge entrepreneurs”, or high-grade, or not so high-grade, purveyors of “knowledge services”, some of them still claiming, perhaps, one wonders, without even a tinge of embarrassment, lineal descent from the academics/scholars of yesteryear), but no longer academics-in-universities (certainly not scholars-in-universities, in contradistinction to academic managers, or skills-managers), no longer universities at all .... Eventually, there may be no-one able (even if they were so inclined) to write an elegy for Academic England, or even just to entertain the bare possibility of such a thing, for no-one will have any clear and distinct memories of how things were, no-one will know any better, or any different ...' R.I.P. (Herminio Martins, Oxford and Lisbon)

  • Michael 4 November, 2009

    Brilliant! But I have a quibble: Should you equally scoff at applying such criteria in-house, when making hiring decisions in philosophy? Are applicants to professorships in philosophy not assessed according to competitiveness, effectiveness and impact? Do hiring committees not demand evidence for the same? And wouldn't it be odd if these criteria were suitable for evaluating individual philosophers, but not departments?

  • Joshua 5 November, 2009

    This is about what I would expect from someone who wrote a dictionary that a person could just as well read cover-to-cover without getting bored.

  • Jon Doyle 7 November, 2009

    The money could be better spent elsewhere, helping combat the social mobility problems that are rising in primary and secondary education, rather than subisidising middle class students. It is perfectly possible to obtain a PHd in any arts or humanities course whilst working a job. Whereas funding these people means they never actually work a real job in their life, never appreciate the real world because they have always been paid for by the state going from student to lecturer living in a little university bubble. They really offer very little value to society and claims of marx and jesus, while first niether did their works whilst engaged in a Phd and second if those are the examples you want to hold then essentially we should abolish all philosophy programmes now given the sheer tonnage of corpses those two's ideas have caused.

  • Duncan 7 November, 2009

    Jon Doyle writes "The money could be better spent elsewhere, helping combat the social mobility problems that are rising in primary and secondary education, rather than subisidising middle class students." That's a very interesting argument Jon, but an argument it is rather than a declared fact. As Aristotle put it 'if you wish to show me that one must philosophise, then to do it one must philosophise; if you wish to show me that one must not philosophise, one must philosophise. Either way one must philosophise.' It is a question much debated in political philosophy, which draws on the arguments of moral philosophy on the one hand and the techniques from philosophy of language, philosophy of mind, formal logic and epistemology what the ends of political funding ought to be, and what justification the state has for gathering to them the means to effect those ends from otherwise citizens. The verdict we would appear to be drawing towards is that those who flourish under the status quo have a duty to promote the well being and capacity to make informed choices of their fellow citizens. This is a philosophical claim; built upon thousands of years of work, and substantiated as anything other than a bald assertion by the existence of the dialectical buttresses which keep it in place. If you are not, in making your claim, availing yourself of these resources then it is simply an assertion. If you are making use of them, then you are attempting to throw away the ladder you used to reach the position you hold. I am a 'working class student', philosophy has immeasurably improved my life which is why I am currently pursuing post-graduate studies in the same to pass on what I have gained to others. I hope some day you'll join us.

  • Joshua 8 November, 2009

    I'm at a position in between those of Jon and Duncan. With the exception of formal logic and some interesting peeks into what I see to be deliberate, crafty abuses of semantics, I don't think philosophy is terribly worthwhile socially or individually. Using philosophical texts as a prop for discussion of contemporary issues is somewhat useful, but it seems that any body of texts that enables heavy logical analysis and criticism is fit for that task. There is no reason that I see for isolating the problems to philosophy, nor for the existence of a standalone philosophical department when the most worthwhile aspects of philosophy can be covered as sub-studies under separate departments (We see this happening plenty with the surge of "philosophy of x" subtopics.). This I say in hypocrisy, since I am a comparative philosopher, but unfortunately both traditions that I study state that we don't need philosophy for distinct reasons. In the first tradition, philosophy is unnecessary because the means to the closest thing that we're going to call truth outside of the analytic truisms we get from set theory and arithmetic on up is going to come from the efforts in empirical science, not philosophy. The second tradition I study holds that philosophical speculation is a sign of misunderstanding of the use of terms and predicates within a language, and so must either be rectified or abandoned. These reasons stem from what is deemed "philosophy," but one gives an epistemic reason why philosophy ought not continue, and the other gives a pragmatic reason why it ought not continue. Perhaps most irritating is that philosophers don't seem to know what they study, and some find somewhat gainful employ just asking themselves what they do for a living -- metaphilosophy. Is that not just a prime example of wasteful spending on a stupid endeavor? Further, if it is true that philosophers don't know what they do for a living, then I don't see a non-self-preserving point to bother toting the term as though it were meaningful. Couldn't "philosophy" (whatever that may be) survive as an appendage to all of the more substantive studies, a sort of department of logical nitpicking at all of the other departments' claims and findings? That appears to abolish a department, but still keep many of the employees. Philosophers of language can thrive in linguistics; political philosophers can thrive in political "science"; philosophers of science can thrive in the empirical science departments; philosophers of religion can thrive in religious studies departments; ethicists can thrive in almost all of them, but better (I think) in departments of psychology, medicine, and law.

  • Richard 12 November, 2009

    To change the subject: in the frustrating arguments about access to Oxbridge and the tendency for middle class and privately educated students to gain a relatively high proportion of places, it never seems to be mentioned that this kind of imbalance is to be expected on genetic grounds. Intelligence of the academic kind is partly inherited. Better educated and more intelligent people often send their children to private schools (whether for good reasons or bad ones). Their children, as well as having expensive educations, are likely on average to be of above average intelligence. That's part of the reason they do so well in the generally fair competition for undergraduate places. (To try to ward off some predictable complaints: I write as someone whose children went exclusively to state schools, then to good universities (one to Cambridge) and who acknowledges both the importance of environmental factors for educational achievement and the success of many poorer children in succeeding in education through their own efforts and intelligence). The simple fact is that in a meritocracy a high proportion of the most intelligent students will descend from highly intelligent parents.

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29 October, 2009

 

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